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Nigeria: Shocking Photos Of Massive Extrajudicial Killings in Nigeria’s South-East



It happened in quick successions. The day was December 17, 2015. News had just come over the radio of a court ruling in favour of the release of Nnamdi Kanu, the detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB).
Jubilant crowds poured out into the streets of Onitsha, the commercial capital of Anambra State. A group of soldiers stationed at the Head Bridge Market opened fire on one of the crowds.
By the time the smoke cleared, three people laid dead with over a dozen sprawled on the ground with gunshot wounds. The soldiers fled the scene but not without taking with them the three corpses.
Later in the afternoon, five more bodies were discovered meters away from the scene bringing to eight the number of people killed on the spot. Of wounded victims taken to hospitals, four later died, bringing to 12 the total number of victims who perished in the fatal shooting.
Three of the dead men were identified as Michael Nweke, 37; Peter Chukwuma Nwankwo, 26; and Mathew Ndukwe Kanu, 25. PREMIUM TIMES gathered that until his death in the hands of soldiers, Michael Nweke was a private security guard employed by the Catholic Reverend Sisters’ Convent at Nkpor in Idemili North local government area of Anambra State. He was a native of Aguekka Village in Ekka Community of Ezza North LGA of Ebonyi State.
Peter Chukwuma Nwankwo, an Onitsha-based trader, was a resident of Ezenwankwo Street in Ugwuagba Layout, Obosi. He hailed from Amaokpo in Nssakra Omege Community of Ezza South LGA of Ebonyi State. The third victim Mathew Ndukwe Kanu was an artisan in Onitsha and a resident of Obosi. He was a native of Ndiodo Community in Akanu-Ohafia LGA of Abia State.
Anxious family members went from police stations to mortuaries in search of missing or dead relatives. The search continued into the New Year. Leaving no stone unturned, the search party that included members of IPOB and a human rights organization, Intersociety for Civil Liberties & Rule of Law, hired divers to search the River Niger fearing the corpses might have been dumped in there.

{loadposition killed}

On February 15, 2016, two months after the killings, 31-year old Sunday Nweke, younger brother to Michael Nweke, received a phone call directing him to hurry to the Onitsha General Hospital with a photograph of his late brother. There he met some IPOB members who led him to a mortuary attendant. Sunday identified the body of his late brother. The attendant, whose identity was not revealed, disclosed that some soldiers of the Onitsha Army Barracks, accompanied by some police personnel from the Onitsha Central Police Station, deposited the bodies on December 21, 2015. The attendant claimed he and his colleagues were warned not to say anything or release the corpses to anyone.


Similarly, Frank Chijioke Nwankwo and Grace Onyinyechi Kanu, relations of Peter Chukwuma Nwankwo and Mathew Ndukwe Kanu respectively, received phone calls to come over to the Onitsha General Hospital. They too were able to identify the bodies of their brothers killed two months before.
Traders at the Onitsha HeadBridge Market told PREMIUM TIMES that the ill-fated crowd shot by the soldiers were neither armed nor protesting. Azu Okwuashi, a trader at the market, said there was nothing provocative about the activities of the crowd.
“They were mostly young men who ran out into the street to jubilate when they heard a court had ruled in favour of the release of Nnamdi Kanu. They were not protesting. Why would they protest what for them was a good news?” Mr. Okwuashi said.
Nnamdi Kanu, director of London-based Radio Biafra and leader of separatist Biafran organization, IPOB, was arrested in October 2015 by the State Security Service. The news of his arrest generated mass protests across parts of Enugu State, Delta, Imo, Abia, Cross River, Anambra, Akwa Ibom and Rivers State.
Despite meeting bail conditions, Mr. Kanu is still held, a situation that has continued to agitate his supporters within and outside the IPOB.
Prior to the Onitsha killings, PREMIUM TIMES had on December 2, 2015 reported the Inspector General of Police ordering his anti-riot force to ‘maximally’ restrain pro-Biafran protesters.
Earlier, on November 16, 2015 the General Officer Commanding 3 Division of the Nigerian Army, Major General Hassan Umaru, at a press conference in Maxwell Kobe Cantonment, Rukuba, Plateau State, warned “all those threatening and agitating for the dismemberment of the country that we shall apply the ROE (Rule of Engagement) to the fullest”.
From Onitsha to Aba, Enugu to Umuahia, activists say, ‘maximum force’ has been the operational code for the unprecedented police and military brutality that has led to the extrajudicial killings of an unknown number defenceless civilians across the zone.
Human Rights organisations like the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), the Intersociety for Civil Liberties & Rule of Law, Amnesty International, Center for Human Rights & Peace Advocacy (CHRPA), and Forum for Justice have for years been documenting cases of extra-judicial killings in the South East, including what has been termed the murderous excesses of the special police unit called the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), stationed in Awkuzu, Anambra State.
Between August 2015 and February 2016, about 170 “unarmed citizens” were shot dead or critically injured while about 400 others were arrested, charged or detained without trial. The right groups allege “torture, inhuman and degrading treatments in the hands of personnel of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF)”.
There are scores of reported cases of disappearances, abductions and pretrial killings of suspected members of IPOB or MASSOB (Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra).
Statistics made available to PREMIUM TIMES by the rights groups show for example that four people were killed in Awka and Onitsha on August 30, 2015; 13 killed in Onitsha on December 2, 2015; 12 killed in Onitsha on 17th December 17, 2015; eight killed in Aba on January 18, 2016; six killed in Aba on January 29, 2016 and 22 killed in Aba on February 9, 2016.
Among the four citizens killed in Onitsha and Awka on August 30, 2015 were Ebuka Nnolum, a native of Enuguabo-Ufuma in Anambra State; and Obasi Maduka of Oshiri in Ebonyi State. Of the 13 citizens killed in Onitsha on December 2, 2015 were Anthonia Nkiruka Ikeanyionwu (Anambra State), Kenneth Ogadinma (Abia State), Chima Onoh (Enugu State), Angus Chikwado (Anambra State) and Felicia Egwuatu (Anambra State).
And of the four citizens who later died in hospital after being shot by soldiers on December 17, 2015 for jubilating Nnamdi Kanu’s court victory, only one had his identity revealed as Okwu Friday. The identities of the three others were not made public as requested by their respective families.


Emeka Umeagbalasi, Head of Intersociety for Civil Liberties & Rule of Law told PREMIUM TIMES that human rights groups were not always able to detect and capture every case of extra-judicial killings or torture by policemen or soldiers in the South East.
“Some of the victims’ families are too afraid to come forward to report to us even when they know the identities of the policemen or soldiers that took their sons away,” Mr. Umeagbalasi said.

Massacre in school compound

What nobody was afraid to talk about was the mass killings by soldiers and policemen on February 9, 2016 of 22 IPOB members during a prayer session in a school compound in Aba, Abia State.
Human rights activists have called it an execution.
Emma Nmezu, IPOB spokesman, said to avoid unprovoked attacks of the type witnessed on December 2015 at the Onitsha Head Bridge, members of IPOB were advised to keep their activities off the road. Following this advice, over 100 IPOB supporters had on the fateful day assembled for a prayer meeting at the National High School, along Port Harcourt Road, Aba.
Survivors said that about 30 minutes later, at noon, the group was singing when a detachment of soldiers, policemen and naval personnel from a joint task force stormed the school compound and without much altercation began to shoot into the crowd.
Twenty-two people were shot dead on the spot. Over 30 others were left with various degrees of gunshot wounds. Among the 22 victims of the massacre were Uche Friday (30), from Asa in Abia State); Emeka Ekpemandu (35), from Owerre Nkwoji in Imo State; Chiavoghi Chibuikem, from Obingwa in Abia State; Nzubechi Onwumere (from Orlu in Imo State); Peter Chinemerem Ukasoanya (27), from Isialangwa North in Abia State; Chigozie Cyril Nwoye (23), from Umuna in Ezeagu, Enugu State; Chukwudi Onyekwere (26), from Aboh Mbaise in Imo State; and Chibuzor Maduagwu (28), from Amauzari in Mbano, Imo State.
Survivors’ accounts also had it that 12 of the 22 dead bodies were taken away by the soldiers who came in Hilux vans. The killer soldiers were said to have come from the 144 Battalion of the Nigerian Army, located at Asa in Ukwa West Local Government Area of Abia. At the time of the massacre, the 144 Battalion was commanded by Lt Col Kasim Umar Sidi.
The soldiers were joined by men of the Abia State Police Command as well as naval ratings from the Finance & Logistics Command of the Nigerian Navy, stationed in Owerre-Nta, Abia State. The Abia State Police Command was headed by Commissioner of Police Habila Hosea of service. The Area Commander was an Assistant Commissioner of Police, Peter Nwagbara.
The two officials declined to comment for this story. While Mr. Hosea did not answer or return calls, Mr. Nwagbara insisted all questions on the matter should be directed to the public relations officer of the command.


The Abia State Police Command publicly admitted to shooting and killing two IPOB members “for disturbing students of the National High School in Aba”.
Among the survivors of that shooting incident were Ikechukwu Ugwuoha, Amos Ezekiel, Okechukwu Nnebedum Nkume, Abia State Zonal Coordinator, Donatus Okeke and Joseph Okolie who had come for the IPOB meeting from Port Harcourt. They were arrested by the police, arraigned for “treasonable felony” along 15 other IPOB members and are currently remanded in Aba Prisons.

Bodies found in borrow pits

Four days after the killings at National High School, scavengers on February 13, 2016 raised the alarm upon finding 13 dead bodies in a borrow pit located along Aba Port Harcourt Road.
The borrow pit was months earlier converted to a refuse dump by the government of Abia State. IPOB claimed the bodies in the pit included those of its members arrested and taken away by soldiers who stormed the prayer meeting in the school premises. The dead men were obvious victims of extra-judicial killings.
Photographs seen by PREMIUM TIMES revealed that the men were lying face down with pieces of clothes tied over their eyes. The bodies were dumped in a group of eight, three and two respectively.


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Eight of the dead men had their hands tied behind their backs with Biafra flags said to have been among personal items taken away by the soldiers after the school compound shooting days earlier. An amateur photograph earlier taken with a mobile phone captures some soldiers and other unidentified persons dumping fresh corpses from a van into a mass grave. The 144 Battalion military barracks is about 10 kilometers away from the Borrow Pit.
Concerned members of IPOB and the human rights organization, Intersociety for Civil Liberties & Rule of Law, were among the first people to visit the borrow pit on Sunday, February 14, 2016. As words spread, representatives of Amnesty International came to the site on Thursday, February 18, 2016.
Three more corpses were discovered in another borrow pit behind a mosque located between the Timber Market and the Arewa Onions Market, near Uratta Junction, along Aba-Port Harcourt Road. The three corpses were covered with leaves after being doused with chemical substances suspected to be acid and embalmment fluid. The choice of chemicals was probably to shrink the corpses to the bones, make victims’ identification difficult while keeping the bodies odourless.
Amnesty research group, led by Justine Ijeomah, was reported to have said they were “investigating the strong allegations of excessive application of force by the Nigerian security forces against peaceful and nonviolent IPOB protesters during their protests in Anambra, Enugu and Abia States”.
The Amnesty team had on that Thursday, February 18, when they first visited the burrow pit, taken photograph and video evidences. However when the team returned on Wednesday, March 2, they were shocked to find that the 13 corpses had been set on fire and were smouldering. Obviously, someone was determined to destroy the evidence. Amnesty International has video recordings of the burning skulls and skeletons.

Petitions to UN Rights Commission

Following the discovery of burning corpses, human rights groups working in South East Nigeria have petitioned the National Security Adviser, Chief Justice of Nigeria, the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights, United Nations Chief Repertoire on Extra Judicial Killings, the European Union, among others.
Following expressions of concern by international bodies of extra-judicial activities against indigenous groups in the South East, the Nigerian Army announced on February 21 that it had dispatched an investigative team to Aba to ascertain claims of massacre of 22 IPOB members. The announcement was made by the Provost Marshal, Nigerian Army, Brig-Gen. Ayuba Tedman Hamman, during the commissioning of the newly established Human Rights Desk, Department of Civil-Military Affairs, Army Headquarters, Abuja.
“I want to say that since COAS (Chief of Army Staff) was appointed I have been inundated with complaints of human rights reports,” Mr. Hamman said. “I think there is a lot of gap, and that’s why this desk was established…
“We have sent an investigative team to ascertain the issue in Abia State about the complaint that our men shot some people involved in peaceful protests. I have confidence in our team and I know this was a joint operation but since we are part of it, we still need to verify. We investigate and at the end of the day prosecute the culprits.”
Over three months after, the outcome of the military investigation is yet to be made public. Human rights observers say the military investigation was dead on arrival given that three days before Mr. Hamman’s public assurances, the Nigerian Army had announced it had temporarily relocated the tactical headquarters of its 14 Brigade headquarters from Ohafia to Aba in an effort to curb the activities of IPOB and MASSOB.
The Commanding Officer, 14 Brigade Ohafia, Brigadier General Lawrence Fejoku, told newsmen he was in Aba to put in check the menace of pro-Biafra agitators and other violent crimes.
Mr. Fejoku also used that opportunity to deny that the military shot and killed 22 unarmed pro-Biafran supporters during a prayer session in Aba.

The killing continues

The Nigerian Army and the police on May 30 admitted killing no fewer than five persons when members of IPOB and MASSOB trooped out across the South-East states in marches to commemorate the 49th anniversary of the declaration of the defunct Biafra Republic by late warlord, Odumegwu Ojukwu.
Activists said the crowds were unarmed and that many more people were killed than the security agencies are ready to admit.
But the army claimed that in killing the pro-Biafra activists and wounding several others, its troops acted in self-defence as well as in defence of lives and property of peace-loving Nigerians.
The Nigerian government is yet to investigate the killings.


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Fulani Terrorists Continues Their Genocidal Massacre In Ebonyi



People slaughtered by Fulani Terrorists in Ebonyi State on 4th of june 2021

Again, Fulani Terror herdsmen sponsored, armed, and guarded by Nigeria Fulani-led federal government has continued their genocidal massacre of Biafrans in Ebonyi.

According to a  viral video online, a reporter can be heard saying that the Fulani Terrorists are not relenting in the quest to kill everyone in Ebonyi state.

This is about the 4th time in the last 6 months that Fulani terrorists have gone on the large-scale slaughter of Ebonyi people.

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He called on Eastern Security Network(ESN) to come to the aid of the Ebonyi people.  ESN was formed by the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu to safeguard Biafrans against marauding Fulani terrorists.

However, the Governor of Ebonyi State, Dave Umahi has been against the formation of ESN and has been working assiduously to eliminate ESN personnel from Ebonyi instead of supporting them.

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This led to the creation of the Ebubeagu Security Network to fight the ESN in Ebonyi and other Eastern states. Ebubeagu has never and does not have the capacity to confront Fulani Terror Herdsmen wielding automatic assault rifles given to them by the Nigerian government.

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Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe’s Speech At Mississippi, USA..



“What I will say here today may come as a surprise to many of you. For those that I will rub the wrong way, I apologize in advance.

However, “NDIGBO si na owu onye nke mmadu na ghu ya ahu na agbata ukwu”. If I fail to say the truth about the existential challenges that we face today in our country Nigeria, and how we believe we should face them, then I would not be true to myself and to you who sent me to represent you in the red chamber.

From the Past to Today.


We can situate our position today following the end of the civil war in 1970. Igbo’s in 1970 were impoverished having lost an estimated 3m Igbo souls in the war, with a ruined and destroyed landscape and infrastructure.

Every Igbo man/woman with savings in the banks before the outbreak of hostilities were pauperized as the military government decreed that one would only get 20 pounds notwithstanding the amount you had. The indigenization decree was passed in 1972 and no Igbo could participate since all had been reduced to penury.


Today the Igbo have the largest pool of educated Nigerians. In 2007, Imo State had more subscribers to the JAMB UTME exams than the 19 Northern States put together.

In 2017, 56% of of NYSC members are from the South East. Our feat in education means that we now have the army to win the war of competition in a market driven economy. Since 1999, the south east states have been the best in all exams.

The largest group of direct domestic investors in Nigeria are from the south east. Igbo investments in property in Abuja alone probably has more than any other ethnic group. We are the most travelled in Nigeria.

In all parts of Nigeria after the indigenous population, Igbo’s are the next largest group. We are the largest propertied class of all ethnic groups in Nigeria and despite all this confusion, we have grown the most economically since the inception of the current democracy in Nigeria.

We have the richest and largest pool of Nigeria diaspora population. Taking an example of Lagos state, Ndigbo form a large proportion of the economy of the state. We created the following from nothing;

  • Computer Village in Ikeja.
  • Ladipo Spare Parts market.
  • Alaba Electronic Market.
  • Balogun Int’l Market.
  • Balogun (Trade Fair) International Market
  • Aspamda market in Festac.
  • Orile Market for house fittings & appliances etc
  • All second hand clothing markets in Lagos. About 4 markets

The combined turnover daily of these markets run into billions daily. Lagos state benefits by collecting taxes and now its economy contributes 56% of all VAT collected in Nigeria.

Above scenario is replicated in most big cities in Nigeria. Go to Kano, Port Harcourt, Benin City, Kaduna, Sokoto, not to talk of Abuja. Ndigbo are very large players in the economy of all parts of Nigeria. I will return to this.


So the question is, given all the advantages that we as Ndigbo have in Nigeria, why the clamour by our youths and others for a separate state of Biafra?

The present agitation in the SouthEast for a sovereign state of Biafra seems very tempting under the prevailing circumstance given the manifest sectional approach to governance at the center.

To some especially the youth and the disadvantaged it is the way to go and when viewed critically you cannot help but to agree with the agitators.

Of a truth there is an obvious feeling of alienation within the Nigerian state today. But has this always been the case? Apart from the civil war and the pernicious policies of the military regimes, we have not fared badly during civil rule until presently.

Given that following the civil war, there seemed to have been a glass ceiling in certain professions in Nigeria where it looked as if Igbo should not aspire to. In the police, military etc.

But we can posit this as the lingering effects of the war where the victor in a war finds it very difficult to fully integrate the other part they fought with into all areas. In the US for example, I understand that it took a very long time for someone from the southern part of the US several decades after the civil war which they lost to break the stranglehold of the north for the presidency of the US. (Correct me if I’m wrong).

But come to think of it, Dr Alex Ekwueme became the Vice President of Nigeria barely 9 years after the civil war. The glass ceiling was on its way to being broken! The military interregnum from 1993 led by the same Muhammadu Buhari put a hold on this. In the US, Germany, Japan and other climes deliberate policies were used by governments to build stronger ties among groups and opposing tendencies.

This helped to forge a bond within their nations. Nigeria seemed to think that a policy of benign neglect will resolve our problems. Of course it didn’t and that’s why we are seeing a resurgence of separatist agitation going on all over the country.

Fast forward to the civil rule era starting from 1999. Nobody would accuse Presidents Obasanjo, late Yar’adua, or Jonathan of what seemed like sectionalism as state policy.

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A look at the pattern of appointments by President Obasanjo evinced the fact of an all inclusive government from all parts of the country. Same as President Yar’adua. President Jonathan took it a step further by appointing the first Igbo chief of army staff, first Igbo secretary to the federal government, coordinating minister for the economy etc.

In fact, one of the criticisms we face today in Nigeria is to explain why should this agitation for separation be under President Buhari when it was not done under the previous administration?

However, that criticism is not true. Recall that under President Obasanjo and Yar’adua there was Massob which was managed much better than today.

However, you will recall that when this government came into place, President Buhari went to the US where he made a most unfortunate statement that was widely condemned at that time.

He reportedly said that he doesn’t need to bother about the 5% that didn’t vote for him but will rather concern himself with the 97% that voted for him.

I had at the time the statement was made raised concern that such declaration from an elected President sounds discriminatory and may create the impression that our elected President Buhari is sending a message to those who didn’t vote for him that he will be partial in his decision making.

Unfortunately, it seems also that the people who are in and around the president didn’t advise him properly. They left him to make appointments and take decisions that gave the impression that there are some parts of the country that are not supposed to be part of Nigeria.

Little wonder that our youths feeling left out and not having anything to give them hope in Nigeria, started believing that a separate country would be better. But I say it is NOT. I will come to this later.

I recall that in November of 2016, after seeing how things were going, the South East caucus of the Senate sought for and got an appointment with the President Buhari.

Our discussion centered on the south East perception of not being part of this administration thereby giving rise to our people feeling disconnected from the government.

We pointed out that it should be a cause for concern if a major part of the country is not represented in the security architecture of the country in addition to other critical sectors from the inception of the administration.

We were promised that our concerns would be looked into. Sadly, this was not done till today. Our country Nigeria is supposed to be for inclusion; for making sure that everyone makes his or her input into its affairs.

Allowing such fairness and equity to prevail in a plural society like ours will make us a bigger and better nation. Today that is not the case.

Either as a deliberate act as it seems or a willful omission geared towards achieving a pre-determined goal, Ndigbo have been pushed to the fringes of the Nigerian Union in so many ways by the present government.

The unfortunate scenario is enough for one to ask the hypothetical question….why am I here?


As much as the music of separatism stirs the soul, one must ask the question; Is relapsing into a sovereign state of Biafra the optimum option or is it a restructuring of the state such that all the federating units would have greater autonomy in the mould of a near quasi self determination the better option?

When these two options are posed; a sovereign state of Biafra or restructured Nigeria, the position of most Nigerians as of today is for the latter.

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Apart from the problem of even determining the boundaries of the state of Biafra and the multifarious and multifaceted problems a simplistic solution such as Biafra poses, perhaps it makes more sense for those who have tasted war to be a little more discerning when matters affecting their race comes up in Nigeria.

Nigerians have been known to come together to use the Igbo head to break coconuts (apologies to late Abiola). Despite the problems that befell the Yoruba race following the annulment of the June 12 elections, they didn’t seek to break out out of Nigeria despite some of them calling for an Oduduwa country.

They simply used the sympathies of other Nigerians to create an economic haven for themselves which has led to massive relocation of industries by all Nigerians to Lagos and Ogun States.

They also got the Presidency of Nigeria. Our brothers from the Niger Delta have not sought to go away either. They also got the Presidency of Nigeria. However we seem to be in the unfortunate position of seeming to drag the Niger Delta into a Biafra unwanted by them.

The agitation for Biafra and how it was being prosecuted by IPOB has rather elicited hate and disdain for our people from other ethnic groups notwithstanding that they may have been nursing such tendencies.

The agitation as championed by IPOB somehow gave muscle to traditional traducers of Ndigbo to spew out hate and envious vituperations. This was exemplified by the October 1st quit notice given to Igbos to leave the North by the so-called Arewa youths which persons are yet to be arrested for hate speech and breaching the law.

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They claimed to be responding to our own hate speeches etc. Indeed, other people seem to want to see us fall into the trap for them to use us to solve their own problems with Nigeria.

That notwithstanding, we as political leaders from the South East were unequivocal in asserting that that the rights of Ndigbo to peaceful and democratic engagements must be respected.

On this score we made it clear that no amount of threat will cow Ndigbo from consistently demanding for an equitable, fair and just society within the Nigerian State.

We also cautioned our youths on their vituperative calls and employed the Igbo concept of “bu uzo chu fuo Ufu, tutu ta wa Okuko uta”! This of course was misunderstood by other Nigerians as support rather than constructive engagement.


We believe that the best way to go given our situation today is to look before we leap. We must not be pushed to abandon our huge contribution to the modern Nigerian state.

As we pointed out in the beginning of this paper, Ndigbo have been the single ethnic group that have welded the country Nigeria together given our way of life as sojourners everywhere in Nigeria, West Africa, Africa and the world.

I dare say that we make up to 50% or more of Nigerians in the US. The question is why would we look to confine ourselves to a small landlocked entity when we have the whole of Nigeria to cavort in?

I have deliberately left out of this discussion the practical impossibility of even getting our brothers from the Niger Delta to go with us in this quest. Not to talk of the Idoma or the Kogi that we insist are part of us.

One thing seems to elude our people when these questions are posed. We look at the determination of the present government to treat us dismissively and feel that it is well nigh an impossible task to get our wish for a just society but we fail to look at the historical evidence before us.

When the 97% vs 5% controversy erupted, I told our people that my people the Ngwa says that “Ohu afor abughi ndu ebighi ebi”. Governments come and go. PDP government lost election and quit the stage for this APC government.

Who says they cannot also lose? Why are we then acting as if it’s the end of the world? The maximum any government can stay is two term totaling 8yrs. “Obughi ndu ebighi ebi”!

Restructuring is an idea whose time has come and it will happen. Biafra should be a last option, only after every other avenue to realize a restructured Nigeria where every component part is allowed a measure of autonomy and self determination fails.

Let me state here that if the dominant views in Nigeria is for restructuring, then that should be the minimum that Ndigbo should demand, so that every component part of this country can substantially harness its resources and develop at its own pace.

Do not forget that the breached Aburi accord was about restructuring and today this call has garnered overwhelming momentum even from quarters that hitherto opposed it.

Just recently former President Ibrahim Babangida, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and lately Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and a host of others have joined the fray.

Restructuring has become a singsong which we must explore vigorously. Even the ruling APC has set up a committee led by Governor el-Rufai to bring about a considered view on it. Forget the fact that it was part of their manifesto. The fact is that the discussion is on, as it should be.

I recall that in August, the Igbo political elite, Ohaneze, Governors, National Assembly Caucus met in Enugu and affirmed that the terms of our marriage in Nigeria is stifling to everybody and therefore we must have another look at it.

That position has not changed but has in fact been reinforced by the agreement by other parts of Nigeria that it is time to look at the matter as evidenced by the South West Political Summit where they endorsed restructuring back to the 1963 constitution.

To me the strident calls by IPOB for a referendum should be seen as a legitimate demand to compel the state to see the urgency of having a second look at our marriage, with the ultimate aim of enthroning equity and fairness, where our people will no longer be treated as second class citizens in Nigeria.

Though the methods may be misconstrued, the true colour of the agitation would have come out had there been a concerted effort at dialogue. The agitations gives fillip to the Igbo idiom…”Ma Opara emeghi nkpotu, agaghi ilughi ya Nwanyi “.

Our people are saying this union is stifling us, and we are making a lot of noise so we can find a solution.
The solution I think can be found in a restructured Nigeria.

The beauty of it is that while we can enjoy near wholesale autonomy, our people as itinerant business people could have an unrestrained space in a larger market provided by a united Nigeria.

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We should not be swayed by what we think is the attraction of an exclusive opportunity to be provided by a sovereign Biafra. No. That would box us into a tiny corner which has its own challenges which would prove overwhelming as time goes on. This is a topic for another day.


One of the problems those of us who attempt to show a direction to our people at home is the near universal disdain that some of our brother Ndigbo in Diaspora have for our leaders and elected representatives at home.

Nowhere is it more apposite than in this matter of Biafra agitation. While some of our brothers/sisters here in the comfort of their homes seems to urge our youths through their utterances and actions to use unconstitutional means and disparage other ethnic groups that which actions seems to alienate us from our neighbors and the Nigerian State, we the leaders at home have been been left with the task of intervening in such a manner to dissuade the government from deploying the coercive instruments of state against the agitators.

The aim was to stop bloodshed and waste of human lives. We have lost enough from the civil war. Those egging our youths on from here do not seem to appreciate this fact.

Most distressing is the labeling of those who disagree with their positions as “cowards, saboteurs, Hausa slaves etc”. This tends to discourage those who genuinely strive to lead our people through a very distressing period in our history as a nation.

Nnia Nwodo as President of Ohaneze has been vilified for taking a stand for restructuring in Nigeria for Ndigbo, a position agreed by all of us in the earlier summit I referenced.

Governors come in for bashing everyday. As for us legislators, we have been called all sorts of names such as ‘legislooters’ etc.

Yet, when it came to taking a stand at ground zero, to bail Kanu; to reject the Fed Govt ascribing Terrorism to IPOB, we are the people doing so and we never hesitated to say that agitation in every clime is constitutional.

We take the bullets from other ethnic groups and the government for standing firm and demanding that Nigerians should be left to talk to each other about the best way forward without preconditions.

We would use this opportunity plead with our internet warriors who stay here in their comfort zone here that our Igbo say, “ma Opara nzuzu adighi nwuo, Opara ma izu aga beghi ibichi ezi”.


Why are we not Investing at Home? Lack of Infrastructure. Should we continue to blame the Fed Govt for the dilapidated infrastructures in Ala Igbo? What of our home governments in Igbo States? Sam Mbakwe of blessed memory did not wait for the Fed Govt before undertaking massive rebuilding of old IMO State.

We think that we have not given our best to our people with the little we got. Insecurity. Nowhere have we hurt ourselves and investment in Ala Igbo than in the insecurity pervading all parts of our homeland.

Of course the latest imbroglio in Abia especially in Aba and Umuahia has worsened matters. We run the risk of undoing all the efforts made in promoting ‘made in Aba’ that we had embarked on as a catalyst for growth in Ala Igbo.

Industries have relocated from Ala Igbo to other parts of Nigeria especially Lagos and Ogun States because of the very serious insecurity such as kidnappining and armed robbery faced by those who invest at home.

We cannot be looking for investors and yet make our place not conducive to investment. Unemployment is the single biggest problem we have in Ala Igbo today.

Before this time due to our domestic investments and industry, this was not a very big problem but due to the dis-investment going on today in Ala Igbo today we are faced with a existential problem in our hand.

Diaspora Igbo’s have to assist us to also invest at home despite the problems and reduce the unemployment in Ala Igbo. Once we get Ala Igbo right the frustrations that fuel the agitation in ala Igbo will be dampened.

What we have playing out in the world today is a knowledge economy. Oil is going out of fashion. As I pointed out earlier, we are poised through out educational exploits in Nigeria to dominate the economy of tomorrow.

Why would we turn a blind eye to this emerging scenario? In ending let me quote what the great son of Igbo land, the great Zik of Africa said about himself….”despite the mythic heights to which he was raised, Azikiwe was nothing if not pragmatic, a realist, always conscious of his limits and ever eager to extract all that was possible from that limited horizon”.

May we be guided by such humble thoughts as we seek a better Nigeria for us all. What we should look for is a BIAFRA of the MIND like some have suggested in order to play our role in the emerging Nigeria that will come…

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Monkey Pox – Is Nigeria Military Using Biological Weapon Against The Biafrans?



Monkey Pox epidemic that started in Bayelsa has spread to River State and Akwa Ibom State. The Indigenes of these states are accusing the Federal Government of Nigeria of having injected the virus to them via recent Immunization exercise allegedly carried out by the Nigeria military in the affected areas.

People from the affected areas took to social media pointing accusing fingers on the Nigerian Military using the virus as a form of biological warfare against them.

However, the reason for the allegation is not far fetched, given that the Nigerian Military and Police, who are 99% Huasa-Fulanis, has been killing people from such areas in large numbers in recent times because of a peaceful call for referendum.

These Biafrans believe beyond reasonable doubt that the Nigerian government introduced the Biological Weapon of warfare as a means of ethnic cleansing to further deplete their population.

They cite the notorious Kunle and Alhaji telephone conversation, where the Northerner revealed their plan to decimate the Biafrans and form a North West regional development plan.

“The Ahaji in the conversation boasted that after 4 years of Buhari’s administration, that the Biafrans will be irrelevant in the scheme of things. And the contents of that phone conversation, like a self fulfilling prophesy, is exactly what is unfolding before our eyes today,” on of them commented on social media.

Listen to the phone conversation below.

Some allude to fact that vaccination was given by the Nigerian government in the area just two weeks before the outbread of the fear inspiring Monkey Pox.

Below is some of the comments and posts by People of the affected areas on social media.

Meanwhile, here is what the World Health Organization (WHO) has to say about the Monkey Pox Epidemics

Key facts

  1. Monkeypox is a rare disease that occurs primarily in remote parts of Central and West Africa, near tropical rainforests.
  2. The monkeypox virus can cause a fatal illness in humans and, although it is similar to human smallpox which has been eradicated, it is much milder.
  3. The monkeypox virus is transmitted to people from various wild animals but has limited secondary spread through human-to-human transmission.
  4. Typically, case fatality in monkeypox outbreaks has been between 1% and 10%, with most deaths occurring in younger age groups.
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There is no treatment or vaccine available although prior smallpox vaccination was highly effective in preventing monkeypox as well.

Monkeypox is a rare viral zoonosis (a virus transmitted to humans from animals) with symptoms in humans similar to those seen in the past in smallpox patients, although less severe. Smallpox was eradicated in 1980.However, monkeypox still occurs sporadically in some parts of Africa.

Monkeypox is a member of the Orthopoxvirus genus in the family Poxviridae.

The virus was first identified in the State Serum Institute in Copenhagen, Denmark, in 1958 during an investigation into a pox-like disease among monkeys.

Human monkeypox was first identified in humans in 1970 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (then known as Zaire) in a 9 year old boy in a region where smallpox had been eliminated in 1968. Since then, the majority of cases have been reported in rural, rainforest regions of the Congo Basin and western Africa, particularly in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where it is considered to be endemic. In 1996-97, a major outbreak occurred in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

In the spring of 2003, monkeypox cases were confirmed in the Midwest of the United States of America, marking the first reported occurrence of the disease outside of the African continent. Most of the patients had had close contact with pet prairie dogs.

In 2005, a monkeypox outbreak occurred in Unity, Sudan and sporadic cases have been reported from other parts of Africa. In 2009, an outreach campaign among refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo into the Republic of Congo identified and confirmed two cases of monkeypox. Between August and October 2016, a monkeypox outbreak in the Central African Republic was contained with 26 cases and two deaths.

Infection of index cases results from direct contact with the blood, bodily fluids, or cutaneous or mucosal lesions of infected animals. In Africa human infections have been documented through the handling of infected monkeys, Gambian giant rats and squirrels, with rodents being the major reservoir of the virus. Eating inadequately cooked meat of infected animals is a possible risk factor.

Secondary, or human-to-human, transmission can result from close contact with infected respiratory tract secretions, skin lesions of an infected person or objects recently contaminated by patient fluids or lesion materials. Transmission occurs primarily via droplet respiratory particles usually requiring prolonged face-to-face contact, which puts household members of active cases at greater risk of infection. Transmission can also occur by inoculation or via the placenta (congenital monkeypox). There is no evidence, to date, that person-to-person transmission alone can sustain monkeypox infections in the human population.

In recent animal studies of the prairie dog-human monkeypox model, two distinct clades of the virus were identified – the Congo Basin and the West African clades – with the former found to be more virulent.
Signs and symptoms

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The incubation period (interval from infection to onset of symptoms) of monkeypox is usually from 6 to 16 days but can range from 5 to 21 days.

The infection can be divided into two periods:

the invasion period (0-5 days) characterized by fever, intense headache, lymphadenopathy (swelling of the lymph node), back pain, myalgia (muscle ache) and an intense asthenia (lack of energy);
the skin eruption period (within 1-3 days after appearance of fever) where the various stages of the rash appears, often beginning on the face and then spreading elsewhere on the body. The face (in 95% of cases), and palms of the hands and soles of the feet (75%) are most affected. Evolution of the rash from maculopapules (lesions with a flat bases) to vesicles (small fluid-filled blisters), pustules, followed by crusts occurs in approximately 10 days. Three weeks might be necessary before the complete disappearance of the crusts.

The number of the lesions varies from a few to several thousand, affecting oral mucous membranes (in 70% of cases), genitalia (30%), and conjunctivae (eyelid) (20%), as well as the cornea (eyeball).

Some patients develop severe lymphadenopathy (swollen lymph nodes) before the appearance of the rash, which is a distinctive feature of monkeypox compared to other similar diseases.

Monkeypox is usually a self-limited disease with the symptoms lasting from 14 to 21 days. Severe cases occur more commonly among children and are related to the extent of virus exposure, patient health status and severity of complications.

People living in or near the forested areas may have indirect or low-level exposure to infected animals, possibly leading to subclinical (asymptomatic) infection.

The case fatality has varied widely between epidemics but has been less than 10% in documented events, mostly among young children. In general, younger age-groups appear to be more susceptible to monkeypox.

The differential diagnoses that must be considered include other rash illnesses, such as, smallpox, chickenpox, measles, bacterial skin infections, scabies, syphilis, and medication-associated allergies. Lymphadenopathy during the prodromal stage of illness can be a clinical feature to distinguish it from smallpox.

Monkeypox can only be diagnosed definitively in the laboratory where the virus can be identified by a number of different tests:

enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA)
antigen detection tests
polymerase chain reaction (PCR) assay
virus isolation by cell culture

Treatment and vaccine

There are no specific treatments or vaccines available for monkeypox infection, but outbreaks can be controlled. Vaccination against smallpox has been proven to be 85% effective in preventing monkeypox in the past but the vaccine is no longer available to the general public after it was discontinued following global smallpox eradication. Nevertheless, prior smallpox vaccination will likely result in a milder disease course.
Natural host of monkeypox virus

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In Africa, monkeypox infection has been found in many animal species: rope squirrels, tree squirrels, Gambian rats, striped mice, dormice and primates. Doubts persist on the natural history of the virus and further studies are needed to identify the exact reservoir of the monkeypox virus and how it is maintained in nature.

In the USA, the virus is thought to have been transmitted from African animals to a number of susceptible non-African species (like prairie dogs) with which they were co-housed.
Preventing monkeypox expansion through restrictions on animal trade

Restricting or banning the movement of small African mammals and monkeys may be effective in slowing the expansion of the virus outside Africa.

Captive animals should not be inoculated against smallpox. Instead, potentially infected animals should be isolated from other animals and placed into immediate quarantine. Any animals that might have come into contact with an infected animal should be quarantined, handled with standard precautions and observed for monkeypox symptoms for 30 days.
Reducing the risk of infection in people

During human monkeypox outbreaks, close contact with other patients is the most significant risk factor for monkeypox virus infection. In the absence of specific treatment or vaccine, the only way to reduce infection in people is by raising awareness of the risk factors and educating people about the measures they can take to reduce exposure to the virus. Surveillance measures and rapid identification of new cases is critical for outbreak containment.

Public health educational messages should focus on the following risks:

Reducing the risk of human-to-human transmission. Close physical contact with monkeypox infected people should be avoided. Gloves and protective equipment should be worn when taking care of ill people. Regular hand washing should be carried out after caring for or visiting sick people.
Reducing the risk of animal-to-human transmission. Efforts to prevent transmission in endemic regions should focus on thoroughly cooking all animal products (blood, meat) before eating. Gloves and other appropriate protective clothing should be worn while handling sick animals or their infected tissues, and during slaughtering procedures.

Controlling infection in health-care settings

Health-care workers caring for patients with suspected or confirmed monkeypox virus infection, or handling specimens from them, should implement standard infection control precautions.

Healthcare workers and those treating or exposed to patients with monkeypox or their samples should consider being immunized against smallpox via their national health authorities. Older smallpox vaccines should not be administered to people with comprised immune systems.

Samples taken from people and animals with suspected monkeypox virus infection should be handled by trained staff working in suitably equipped laboratories.
WHO response

WHO supports Member States with surveillance, preparedness and outbreak response activities in affected countries.

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Nigerian Army In Fresh Trouble As CCTV Caught Them Looting Kanu’s Home



Again the Nigerian Army invaded the home of the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra looting items from the home. The incident was caught on hidden cameras careful planted at Nnamdi Kanu’s home.

The Nigerian army on Sunday, October 8, reportedly stormed the home of the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi kanu.

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According to several reports, including a claim by the former minister of aviation, Fani Kayode, the army carted away some personal belongings of the IPOB leader.

A Facebook user, Prince Kanu Meme, claimed that the soldiers went away with clothes, generators and furniture in their trucks.

The army trucks allegedly parked outside Kanu’s house. Photo credit: Francis Rosevelt

The army trucks allegedly parked outside Kanu’s house. Photo credit: Francis Rosevelt He wrote: “UPDATE…!!! The Nigerian soldiers are currently moving away every property in the compound of Mazi Nnamdi kanu, including mattresses clothes, generators, televisions into their trucks!!! Share this now!!!”

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Another video showing the raid in kanu’s home.

Another Facebook user, Francis Rosevelt shared another video of the alleged invasion. Below is Rosevelt video

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We Lied, IPOB Didn’t Burn Down Any Mosque In Enugu, We Did It — Police



IPOB has denied ever burning a mosque at Igboeze North Local Government Area of Enugu State, saying it was not a violent organisation.

It further said it has no quarrel with Muslims in the country or elsewhere and as such had no reason to burn down their place of worship, as alleged by the enemy.

Confrming IPOB’s position, Enugu State Police Command, yesterday, warned residents against spreading rumour and blatant lies capable of jeopardizing existing peace in the state.

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The state’s Police Public Relations Officer, SP Ebere Amaraizu, gave the warning in a statement in Enugu.

He, however, said that contrary to the claims, preliminary investigations showed that electrical power surge was responsible for the inferno at the mosque.

He said: “The issue is that there was an incident and that incident involved inferno.

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“When we first heard about it, we moved in with a view to finding out what actually happened.The incident happened at the wee hours of Saturday, September 16 at about 2 a.m.

“When we got there, following our preliminary investigations, we discovered that it could have been as a result of power surge.

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“However, the following morning, we started hearing all sorts of things that are blatant lies.

“We need to put things in their proper perspective to avoid mixing up issues.”

Via Exclusive103!

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We Burnt The Police Station In Aba To Implicate IPOB – Nigerian Police



A high ranking Officer of the Nigeria from zone 9 Umuahia has claimed that Nigerian Army and Police  set the Police station on fire Aba, destroyed the Yoruba mosque and organized irate youths asking for Hausas in a commuter Bus.

The Officer who pleaded anonymity said he started having sympathy for IPOB after witnessing the brutal mass killings, rape, abductions and subsequent blackmail of Indigenous People Of Biafra (IPOB) by the Nigerian army on ‘Operation Python Dance II.

He said a combine team of the Nigeria army and Police were responsible for the acts in order to have evidence for branding IPOB a terrorist organization and subsequently proscribing it.

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According to the Nigerian Police officer who pleaded anonymity in a message sent to Afroinsider Facebook Page, ” in a meeting with the 5 state governors of the South East and Some senators in Enugu on 8th of September 2017, it was agreed that a means should be devised to impicate IPOB. They must be stopped by any means possible to hold Anambra elections,” the officer stated.

“This we hoped to accomplish by destroying the Yoruba Mosque at Azikiwe by Asa Road Aba. The aim was to create hatred and animosity between Yorubas and Igbos. This move was expected to cut off any relationship between the Yoruba Freedom Fighters and The Biafrans.

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Secondly, it was expected to caused a wide spread indignation against the Indigenous People Of Biafra, there by justifying tagging them a terrorist organization,” he added.

About a video making rounds on social media, the officer has this to say “The video showing some boys asking if there was any Hausa person in a commuter bus was equally made by us to make the world believe that IPOB was actually lynching Hausas and Yorubas in Aba. This we thought will justify the inhuman torture and mass killings of Biafrans by the Nigerian Army”

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Meanwhile, IPOB has remained peaceful and resolute despite the on-going brutal mass killings, rape, abductions and blackmail in Biafraland.

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The Disappearance Of IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu Is Troubling – WikiLeaks Boss, Julian Assange



JULIAN ASSANGE, the fearless WikiLeaks boss has joined a myriad of other world leaders in asking the Nigerian government the whereabouts of IPOB leader Mazi Nnamdi Kanu.

The embattled IPOB leader was last seen on 11th of September as he was holding a press conference, telling the members of the Nigeria press that the Nigeria army attacked his home killing 3 persons while injuring many others.

A claim which Nigerian army vehemently denied. However the Nigerian army returned later that day and besieged Kanu’s home while killings, rapes and abductions by the Nigerian army were going on along the high ways leading to Kanu’s home.

Having killed and abducted an unknown number of persons in Aba, Obigbo and Umuahia, the Nigerian army returned to Kanu’s home killing about 30 persons, while bullets rips through the walls of Kanu’s home. His dog also was not spared as every living thing in that house was killed by the Nigerian army.

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Ever since then, Kanu, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra has not been sighted or heard.

Kanu’s lawyer, Barr. Ifeanyi Ejiofor and IPOB believe that the Nigerian army might have killed him or abducted him.

However, the International Community especially, the United States of America, The United Kingdom, the European Union has been asking the Nigeria government of the whereabout of the Biafran leader.

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The latest of which is the tweet from the WikiLeaks boss, Julian Assange, in which he says that the EU and UK are right, that the dissappearance of the IPOB leader is troubling.

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Asaba Massacre, Radio Presenter Yanked Off-Air By Nigeria Broadcasting Commission (NBC)



A radio presenter with  Nigeria Info FM, known as Chxta tweeted that while he was discussing Asaba Massacre earlier today, he got a call from the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission (NBC) to shut down the show.

What exactly is the Nigerian government scared of? Why is there so much panic on the corridors of power? The Jubrin, oh sorry Mbuhari led Nigerian government is working so hard to cover it’s atrocities.

Genocide was committed in Asaba and it has been succesfully hidden for 50 years.

Join @Chxta and @nellylaoni on the #MiddayDialogue today at 1 PM as we discuss the Asaba massacre and the unresolved scars of Biafra.

In August 1967, three months into the Nigerian Civil War, Biafran troops invaded the Midwest Region, to the west of the River Niger. They spread west, taking Benin City and reaching as far as Ore, where they were pushed back by the Nigerian Second Division, under the command of Col. Murtala Muhammed.

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The Federal troops gained the upper hand, and forced the Biafrans back to the Niger, where they crossed the bridge back into the Biafran city of Onitsha, which lies directly across from Asaba. The Biafrans blew up the eastern spans of the bridge, so that the Federal troops were unable to pursue them.

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The Federal troops entered Asaba around October 5, and began ransacking houses and killing civilians, claiming they were Biafran sympathisers. Leaders summoned the townspeople to assemble on the morning of October 7, hoping to end the violence through a show of support for “One Nigeria.” Hundreds of men, women, and children, many wearing the ceremonial akwa ocha (white) attire paraded along the main street, singing, dancing, and chanting “One Nigeria.”

At a junction, men and teenage boys were separated from women and young children, and gathered in an open square at Ogbe-Osowa village. Federal troops revealed machine guns, and orders were given, reportedly by Second-in-Command, Maj. Ibrahim Taiwo, to open fire. It is estimated that more than 700 men and boys were killed, some as young as 12 years old, in addition to many more killed in the preceding days.

The bodies of some victims were retrieved by family members and buried at home. But most were buried in [mass grave]]s, without appropriate ceremony. Many extended families lost dozens of men and boys. Federal troops occupied Asaba for many months, during which time most of the town was destroyed, many women and girls were raped or forcibly “married,” and large numbers of citizens fled, often not returning until the war ended in 1970.

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Ibrahim B. Haruna has sometimes been named as the officer who ordered the massacre, following a report of his testimony to the Nigerian Human Rights Violations Investigations Commission, known as the Oputa Panel.[1] This article quoted him as claiming responsibility (as the commanding officer) and having no apology for the atrocity.

However, Haruna was not present in Asaba in 1967. He replaced Murtala Muhammed as C.O. of the Second Division in spring 1968. While there are no eye-witness reports of Muhammed ordering the killings, he was the Commander in the field, and thus must bear responsibility.

A comprehensive account of the massacre, its causes, consequences, and legacy, was published in August 2017: “The Asaba Massacre: Trauma, Memory, and the Nigerian Civil War,” by S. Elizabeth Bird and Fraser Ottanelli.

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“Nnamdi Kanu, Where Is Your BSS?” Clifford Iroanya Etal Celebrates The Spilling Of Biafran Blood, Mocks IPOB



While Biafrans were being killed, the Clifford Iroanya’s Soldiers of Justice seems to be on celebration mood.

“Soldiers of justice are given them nightmares, Soldiers of justice has become their reference point in all their meetings .solders of justice is like air we breathe ,if u halt air in your house,then you will suffocate and die,if you choses not to breath air you will die,” said Oyemaechi Igwe, member SOJ.

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But guess who they are referring to? They are referring to the Indigenous People of Biafra

Below are some of their posts during this period of ‘Operation Python Dance’. While Biafran  blood flow in the streets this what Soldiers of Justice has been posting.


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Nnamdi Kanu Organized IPOB To Restore Biafra, Clifford Iroanya Created “Soldiers Of Justice” To Fight IPOB



Top Biafran activist, Emeka gift has bemoaned the destructive tendencies of the Clifford Iroanya etal’s led ‘Soldiers Of Justice’ as they now stand out as a major enemy of the Biafran restoration project and clog to the wheel of progress of the Struggle. While reacting to a post by Clifford Iroanya aimed at tarnishing his image, Emeka Gift said that the reason why, Clifford created the so called Soldiers of Justice was to destroy the Biafran struggle.

“Nnamdi Kanu created IPOB to fight Nigeria government and get Biafra restored, Clifford Iroanya created ‘Soldiers Of Justice’ to fight IPOB and get Biafra struggle destroyed. If I should face Clifford as he is tempting me, it will divert our attention from the real struggle. We must concentrate,” Emeka Gift said.

Mr Iroanya who goes by so many other different names on social media has been writing all forms of divisive articles, just to bring confusion and conflict within the IPOB family.

Trouble started when Clifford Iroanya, Barr. Emma Mmezu, Uchenna Asiegbu allegedly collected bribe from Nigerian government via Orji Uzor Kalu in order to destroy IPOB while Nnamdi Kanu the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra was still in detention.

The trio opened a parallel Biafra radio station with different logo and website, Kanu who  brought them into the struggle and gave them the post they were holding, told them not to open the radio station but they rebelled.

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As a result, they were suspended from their high positions in IPOB. Instead of them to serve their suspension as they have always preached, while suspending their subordinates in the struggle, they rebelled and start working against the struggle which they hitherto took oath to uphold.

Clifford Iroanya and co has been writing a lot of devastating articles and publications bent on destroying the struggle, but unfortunately for them IPOB family members are wiser and often ahead of their divisive antics.

Since the ‘Operation Python Dance’ began in Biafraland with mass killings, rapes and abductions, Mr clifford Iroanya and co seem to be on celebration mood.

The question is, what exactly are these bunch of Judases celebrating? Are they now celebrating the death of Biafrans? Does it mean they are only interested in being leaders collecting bribes and not interested in the freedom of Biafran?

Below is a message from Clifford the founder and creator of “Soldiers Of Justice”


There is a popular English adage that says “the devil you know is better than the angel you do not know”. This is the case with Emeka Gift who habours evil agenda in IPOB.

In my previous article, I wrote about how Emeka Gift (not Real Name) uses fake personally recruited family writer journalists to make demands of money in the name of buying gadgets. Here in this article, I shall extensively elaborate the hidden plans of Emeka Gift and how he intends to hijack IPOB.
It maybe true that the name, Emeka gift, is a popular name in the circles of IPOB, yet it is an undeniable fact that the real nomenclature of the bearer remains incognito.

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Emeka Nnaoma Gift, whom Nnamdi Kanu made the head of Biafra Twitter account and had mandated him to use every Tuesday in tweeting to the world leaders about the atrocities been committed against Biafrans by the Nigerian government, have suddenely deviated from that initial plans. Firstly, Emeka Nnaoma Gift started by forming his own Biafra media called family writers, many of us subscribed and gave our consents without deeply scaling the pros and cons of that singular endeavor. As days went by, Emeka Nnaoma Gift recruited many radical journalists, including Amarachi Ibeh Gift, Ifeanyi Chijioke, Somto Okonkwo, Prince Darlington, Comrade Chukwu Ogbu, Mazi Oscar Lee, Prince Gilbert, Chima Onyekachi and Host of other brave and vocal actors who sweated in the course of transforming family writers to what it is today.

According to a facts finding, Ifeanyi Chijioke started doing quite well to the extent that he was quickly made the National President of the group. Emeka Gift, like his boss Nnamdi Kanu, feared that maybe someday the fast growing and talented Ifeanyi Chijioke would be more relevant than he, Emeka Gift, hence, he planted a bone of discord between Amarachi Ibeh Gift and Ifeanyi Chijioke. Ifeanyi Chijioke was sacked afterwards from Family Writers forum by Emeka Gift. Although, this did not go down well for Emeka Gift because many people joined Ifeanyi Chijioke and ‘The Biafra Post’ was born. Today, Ifeanyi Chijioke has been made the leader of his new group.

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Offcourse, due to the injustice and evil intents of Emeka Gift, which we are going to expose before ending of this rather lengthy article, he sacks and disgrace the brains behind the formation and transformation of Family Writers, including Oscar Lee, a Biafran born Israeli from Gold Coast and host of other Family Writers gladiators. Emeka Gift has, today, recruited new and uncheckmated journalist into Family Writers.

Another fact findings reveals that Emeka Gift’s intention is now to sack Amarachi Ibe Gift, but due to the fact that the lady in question is full of valor, Emeka Gift is left with no choice than to swallow his pride and retain her. But the real question is ‘what are the evil intents of Emeka’?

Emeka Nnaoma Gift who have embarked on another plan, have started building a private website for himself gradually abandoning thebiafraherald. Prompting yet another captivating question “If Emeka should finally decamp to the enemy’s camp, which is certain, what effects will it have on the struggle?

Clifford Iroanya is the founder of Soldiers Of Justice


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